Russia and the Far-Right: Insights From Ten European Countries

This section contains the book's copyright information, table of contents, table of figures, list of contributors, list of abbreviations, and acknowledgements.

Abstract

The book is the first comprehensive summary of how Russia attempts and to a large degree succeeds in influencing the European far-right/REMVE milieu, either via the extremist, violent actors but also the more mainstream so-called radical right. It achieves this by looking at 10 European countries with two case studies in each, one of an influence over a violent and another over a non-violent organisation/entity/individual from the far-right/REMVE milieu. This allows to paint a broad yet also thorough picture of the Russia-far-right/REMVE links. Their in-depth discussion allows for an elucidation of Russian patterns of influence over the far-right/REMVE throughout Europe as despite many commonalities, this influence comes in different shapes and forms, depending on a country. 

by Bàrbara Molas & Kacper Rekawek

Abstract

The introductory chapter provides the contextual basis for the volume’s discussion of the Russian influence over the far-right/REMVE milieu in 10 European countries. It showcases how the issue has been covered by the literature and identifies gaps which are addressed in this book. Furthermore, it provides the reader with the book’s structure in which chapters are grouped into pairs as they speak to similar issues in countries they cover.

by Fabian Schmid

Abstract

Far-right movements in Austria have built close relationships to Russia in the last two decades. This chapter presents such ties in relation to two case studies – a political party, FPÖ - Freiheitliche Partei Österreich (Freedom Party of Austria) – and the Suvorov Institute, a case of a third-sector organisation established for the purpose of “for the Promotion of Austrian-Russian Dialogue.” It discusses multifaceted Russian presence throughout Austria, which centres not only on mainstream politicians but also more violent and anti-systemic Identitarians and argues for the establishment of a parliamentary investigative committee to investigate the manifold connections between authorities, government parties and other institutions to Moscow.

by Anton Shekhovtsov 

Abstract

Germany’s far-right sits at the centre of Russia’s interest in this milieu in the West. Moscow has been able to develop burgeoning ties to far-right political parties, movements and associations in the country and simultaneously, became a reference point and object of fascination for a group of far-right/anti-government extremist plotters who attempted to overthrow the German government, dismantle the country’s constitutional order, and establish a new form of a German state. This state of affairs is discussed in this chapter which takes stock of the multifaceted Russian attempts to penetrate or engage with this milieu in Germany via both mainstream and militant or anti-mainstream forces. 

by Predrag Petrović

Abstract

Although the contemporary Russian influence on political parties and the far-right in Serbia has been present since the violent disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in the 1990s, it intensified with the rise of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) to power in 2012. This chapter investigates the reasons for and instruments of Russia's influence in Serbia, which is presented through two case studies. The first case discusses the Serbian ruling party, which holds unchecked power in Serbia and has expanded its cooperation with the United Russia. The second case is the Serbian anti-government far-right group People’s Patrol, which has quickly emerged as the most vocal violent far-right agent of Russian influence in Serbia. A seemingly odd one out, Serbia offers a fascinating case in which both the government and a seemingly anti-government protest movement are involved in a co-operation with Russia.  

by Edit Zgut-Przybylska

Abstract

The two revolutions that happened in Hungary, in 1848 and 1956 respectively, were crushed by the Russian troops. Consequently, the Hungarian far-right scene has had a long history of hostility, if not hatred towards Russia. In response to that, the Kremlin employed a three-fold strategy of influence in the country. This chapter addresses these three strategies by analysing two case studies, one representing a direct and another an indirect instance of Russian influence within the broader Hungarian far-right scene. The first case explains how the Hungarian National Front became the venue point for the operation of Russia’s military intelligence service, while the second investigates the pro-Russian narratives of Our Homeland and the paramilitary organizations centred around it. The chapter concludes that Our Homeland and its satellite organizations serve a useful function to the Kremlin by openly advocating for leaving the EU and NATO and an anti-Ukraine standpoint, which represent a threat to national security. Finally, it provides recommendations on how to combat the security risk posed by pro-Russian far-right narratives in the country.

by Nicolas Hénin

Abstract

This chapter discusses the Russian influence in France by analysing two case studies  that illustrate the Russian influence and penetration of the French far right: (1) the case of Joël Sambuis, a pioneer of far-right online activism in France, who has been based in Russia since 1998, and (2) Rémy Daillet, a leader of the “complosphere” (online ecosystem for spreading conspiracy theories) who illustrates that even if this radical ecosystem is not directly activated by Russia, it is manipulated and amplified in the hope of provoking violent action in France. The chapter conducts a threat analysis of these two cases and puts forward recommendations: the hybridization of the French security services, further research and acknowledgement of the far-right threat and other radical ideologies rather than just jihadism, as well as improvements on the system for preventing radicalization

by Ottavia Galuzzi

Abstract

The political, economic, and cultural ties connecting Russia and Italy date back to the Cold War Era when Italy had the largest communist party in Western Europe, threatening NATO unity. This chapter showcases how two cases how Italian far-right parties, one more and the other less mainstream and successful, would not have needed to be directly aligned with Russia to effectively do Moscow’s bidding via their anti-EU attitudes. The first case study analyses Russia’s political influence on Lega (League) by exploring the political activities carried out by its members and supporters, and several Russians belonging to Putin’s close circle. The second case study discusses the cyber influence that Russia can indirectly exert upon the Italian far-right milieu in general and the Forza Nuova (New Force)  through the ideologically motivated cyberattacks of a decentralised network of malicious actors and the risks of online radicalisation into violent extremism stemming from such influence.  

by Daniel Milo

Abstract

Russian influence on the far-right and right-wing extremists in Slovakia has to be conceptualised in a wider context of Russian-Slovak relations, history, and specifically, the perception of Russia and its footprint in Slovakia. These factors greatly influence the ability of Russian actors to leverage certain elements of the far-right milieu for its strategic goals. This chapter analyses two case studies to discuss the Russian influence on the far-right in Slovakia. The first case concerns the far-right political party Kotlebovci-Ľudová strana naše Slovensko (Kotlebovci—People’s Party Our Slovakia) and its successor Republika Movement. The second case includes a paramilitary group Slovenski Branci (Slovak Conscripts) which illustrates how Russia tried and to a certain extent failed in creating a puppet violent paramilitary organisation in the EU and NATO member state. The chapter concludes that Russian influence on far-right groups is part of a larger effort employing both the existing vulnerabilities and a network of influence Kremlin has developed over the years.  

by Veronika Víchová and Veronika Krátka Špalková

Abstract

The far-right political scene in the independent Czech Republic began to take shape in the 1990s, coalescing around the subculture of skinheads. It was characterised by an uncritical adoration of Nazism and open acts of violence. Particularly in the second half of the 1990s and during the first decade of the new millennium, the far-right movement in the Czech Republic was associated with a multitude of violent activities, often resulting from interethnic tensions. This chapter analyses two case studies of how a combination of the extreme right and pro-Russian/Russian activists have contributed to the radicalisation of Czech society in recent years. The first case shows how the close association with Tomio Okamura’s far-right SPD party and the excessive consumption of pro-Russian and anti-migrant propaganda resulted in the self-radicalisation of a Czech senior citizen who then was involved in a terrorist act.The second case concerns the mass and gradual radicalisation of a certain population group, which resulted in several violent incidents at anti-government demonstrations. The chapter concludes that disinformation campaigns in the Czech Republic, particularly intensified since 2015, have exploited societal fractures, and recommends a multifaceted approach by the government to mitigate the Russian threat.

by Morgan Finnsiö

Abstract

In Swedish public discourse and policymaking, Russia has long been considered a primary geopolitical adversary. This view has been the dominant tendency of the Swedish political establishment since the 16th century up to the present day. This chapter discusses the Russian influence on the far-right and right-wing extremism in Sweden by analysing two very different case studies, a violent extreme-fight entity, the Nordic Resistance Movement and a radical-right and now mainstream political party, the Sweden Democrats. It demonstrates how Russia attempted to leverage both the NRM and SD’s underdog and anti-establishment status to appear as a serious interlocutor and a point of reference for the two organisations. These might not have been inherently pro-Russian but are set on making their mark on the socio-political scene with a fair degree of otherness in their policies and actions of its members. The fact that this process involves both a beyond the pale militant movement and a political party at the same time, demonstrates the degree to which Moscow is seen as a useful ally or counterpart for different shades of the far-right in the West.  

by Przemysław Witkowski 

Abstract

Given the history of Polish-Russian relations, it is challenging to conceive a straightforward Russian influence on any given socio-political entity in the country. At the same time, it has not stopped Moscow nor individual Poles or organisations to seek alliance via a circular route of countering real or imaginary joined enemies. This constitutes the chapter’s first case which discusses a successful Polish far-right MP (Grzegorz Braun) who arrived at pro-Russian positions via first endorsing other, e.g. anti-Ukrainian or anti-Semitic causes. The second case studies the country’s national-Bolsheviks who arrived at their endorsement of current day Russia via their dedication and propagation of the works of Alexander Dugin. A seemingly off the beaten track group, called – Falanga, it nonetheless sought access to Poland’s security structures and some of its rogue members were involved in a terrorist attack aimed at undermining Ukraine’s ties with the European Union.  

by Kacper Rekawek

Abstract

The concluding chapter summarises the findings from the 20 case studies covered in the preceding 10 chapters. It delineates the Russia patterns of influence over the far-right/REMVE milieu in Europe. It enumerates 9 ways in which Russia attempts to influence this milieu in Europe and reiterates the examples from previous chapters which fall into different categories of how Moscow operates in this field.